The Falcon Strikes
What keeps Sudbury labour
battle from ending?
by Mick Lowe
HighGrader Magazine January/February
2001
Like a metastasizing cancer, the drive to root unions out of Canada's
hardrock mining industry has targeted a new and surprising site:
Sudbury, Ontario, the mother of all Canadian mining towns.
The tumour first presented in Yellowknife in the early 90s, with
the now notorious bid to smash the union at Golden Giant gold
mine in the Northwest Territories.
Before that struggle was over, nine men had been killed in an
underground explosion that resulted in the conviction of a striker
on charges of second degree murder.
Peggy Witte's Royal Oak Mines extirpated the union, but the victory
proved both Pyrrhic and short-lived; the company has since gone
bankrupt.
In the mid-90's the cancer migrated eastward to another gold mining
camp, at Balmertown in northwestern Ontario. Shortly after acquiring
the mine, Goldcorp decided to bust a venerable local of the United
Steelworkers of America right out of their operation.
A bitter four-year strike ensued, the longest in the history of
the Canadian hardrock mining industry. In the end the union local
was vanquished, and when the mine re-opened in the fall of 2000,
it was strictly a non-union operation.
Just a few months earlier, at the beginning of August, the oldest
of all Northern Ontario mining unions, Mine Mill/CAW Local 598,
began a little-noticed strike at Falconbridge Ltd. in Sudbury.
After more than a century of continuous production, Sudbury's
base metal mines, mills, smelters and refineries make the city
Canada's oldest and largest integrated metals production centre,
and a bona fide world capital of the hardrock mining industry.
The city's two principal producers, Falconbridge and Inco Ltd.,
have been unionized since the 1940s, and the unions representing
the two company's employees, Mine Mill and the United Steelworkers
of America, respectively, have long since come to occupy positions
of importance and respect within the community. Trade unionism
is as much a feature of the Sudbury mindscape as the Pre-Cambrian
Shield.
As the strike deadline loomed over contract
talks last summer, Falconbridge announced its intention to run
the Sudbury smelter with nickel concentrate from its new Raglan
operation in northern Quebec without its unionized workforce.
It was an audacious, and unprecedented, threat. In the 56-year
history of unions on the Nickel Range, neither of the two big
nickel producers had ever attempted to scab a legal strike.
At the outset the union reluctantly allowed vehicles carrying
strikebreakers through its picket lines. Office and technical
staff and supervision were aboard the buses, too, so it was never
clear exactly how many replacement workers the company had hired.
But infrequently at first, and more often as the weeks dragged
by, ominous plumes of gas were seen spewing from the smelter smokestack.
True to its word, Falconbridge was producing nickel matte despite
the strike.
Many Sudbury observers questioned the union's initial quiescence
on the picket lines, but it was a policy that proved to be but
the opening move in an increasingly intricate and hotly contested
chess game. Vehicles were detained only briefly during the first
five weeks of the strike. But when the union moved to tighten
up the lines on September 6th the company quickly moved to apply
for an injunction to limit picketing. The bid was denied by a
Sudbury judge on September 15th, on the grounds that the company
had failed to prove that it was suffering irreparable harm from
the union's actions.
By mid-October restive rank-and-filers decided
to close the lines up tight, forcing personnel to travel by helicopter
and stopping most vehicular traffic. That state of affairs remained
in effect for 12 days, until the company once again sought an
injunction severely limiting picketing.
This time their court action was successful.
"We can still picket," one striker said bitterly outside
the courthouse, "as long as we do it in Wahnipitae (miles
from the company gates)."
The court ruling, which included a stern rebuke from the judge,
was a low ebb for the strikers. In private, many local leaders
declared they would be willing to settle by recommending some
variation on the company's last contract offer, made shortly before
the strike began.
Rank-and-file sentiments, which often tended to be more militant
than the leadership, were also softening. "We'll eat some
crow," one activist conceded. "We'll eat a wing, maybe,
but there's no way we'll eat the whole goddamned bird."
The attitude was reinforced by a membership meeting in early November.
Strike leaders emerged from the meeting evincing a strong desire
to end the strike by meeting the company at least half way, a
gesture that appeared perilously close to surrender.
Hemi Mitic, Assistant to CAW President Buzz Hargrove and the lead
union negotiator, told CBC Radio News after the meeting, not once
but twice, that the union hoped to have the strike over "before
the Christmas holidays."
Attempts to kick-start negotiations were curiously
unavailing, however. On November 10th Mitic put the union's willingness
to compromise in writing to company head negotiator John Keenan.
In a letter which was also faxed to the news media, Mitic maintained
that on one of the critical strike issues "given the changes
that the company demanded and the concerns of the union, I feel
confident that we can now put this issue behind us."
In the event of a failure to a successfully reach a settlement
through negotiation, Mitic also offered to settle the dispute
through binding arbitration, an option that is usually anathema
to all but the most desperate of union leaders.
But the company still refused to accept the union's surrender,
posing anew a question that had vexed observers from the beginning:
what was the dispute all about, anyway?
Almost no one saw the strike coming. In contrast to its cross-town
rival Inco, Falco has always enjoyed a reasonably good relationship
with its unionized employees. Although a much smaller company
it had in recent years out-produced and out-earned Inco pound
for pound and was, by any measure, the more productive and successful
of Canada's two nickel giants.
When Inco's Sudbury employees settled in late June for a new three-year
contract that featured, at best, modest gains in wages, pensions
and benefits, it was widely assumed that Falco would follow past
practice and routinely offer its employees the Inco pattern. Sure
enough, by late July Falconbridge had matched the Inco pattern
on the monetary side; but its best pre-strike offer was studded
with concessions on contract language.
(For a full list of the takeaways and the actual proposed wording,
visit the union's website at www. minemill598.com under the heading
"Why Are We On Strike?")
Considering that Falco had earned a record
$235 million in the first half of 2000 and appeared headed for
its first-ever half billion dollar profit year, members of Local
598 were in no mood to grant concessions. They voted 97% against
accepting the company's final offer.
But in hindsight, it now appears that far more portentous events
were taking place; not at the bargaining table in Sudbury, but
around the boardroom tables of Bay Street in Toronto. Just days
before the strike started on August 1st, the senior management
of Noranda Inc. made an announcement: the company had upped its
ownership of Falconbridge to 50.1% of the latter corporation's
common shares.
The news prompted little reaction in Sudbury, not least because
Falconbridge had been, for all intents and purposes, a subsidiary
of Noranda for some time, even though the latter did not own an
outright majority of shares. Noranda, in turn, was controlled
by Edper Brascan, whose board of directors included Conrad Black,
Trevor Eyton, Jack Cockwell and David Kerr.
Kerr, the President and CEO of Noranda, as well as a director
of both Falconbridge and EdperBrascan, raised eyebrows on Bay
Street and suspicions in Sudbury in late September when he told
the National Post that Noranda intended to buy up more Falconbridge
shares ". . .when the price goes down. . .We'd like to see
it go to the middle teens."
Could it be that the strike was really nothing more than a cynical
corporate ploy to depress the shares of Falconbridge to facilitate
a cheaper buy-out by Noranda? And what of the responsibility,
not to mention ethics, of a majority shareholder in a corporation
saying publicly that he hoped the share price in that corporation
would actually fall?
Whether the strike had anything to do with it or not, Noranda's
creeping takeover of Falconbridge continued, with the larger firm
coming to control 55% of Falco by the end of November.
Meanwhile behind the scenes the CAW's Mitic
talked frequently with his corporate counterpart Keenan. Every
time one old issue appeared to be removed as a barrier to resuming
formal negotiations, another replaced it, according to a frustrated
Mitic. Clearly his hopes for a settlement by Christmas were slipping
away. Finally, in mid-December, the union filed formal charges
against the company with the Ontario Labour Relations Board, accusing
Falco of bargaining in bad faith.
As the strike dragged on, it became ever clearer that the company
had no intention of accepting the union's surrender, of returning
to the bargaining table, or of proffering a new collective bargaining
agreement.
Instead there was more and more scuttlebutt around the picketline
barrel fires about the "180 day rule," after which time
the company was no longer legally obligated to take its striking
workers back. That deadline, of February lst, 2001, is apt to
prove a red letter day in the strike. If it comes and goes with
little or no interest by individual Mine Millers in returning
to work to scab their own strike, the union may yet regain the
momentum and emerge from the dispute with pride and collective
agreement intact.
With Falconbridge maintaining minimal production the strike is
nevertheless crippling its ability to earn the healthy profits
that could be expected in the current robust phase of the nickel
price cycle.
In the third quarter, Falco reported that the strike had cost
it $24 million (this, despite the fact that numbers include the
pre-strike month of July Falco where the company was working at
record production levels). The company's fourth quarter statement,
due in late January, was expected to reveal far greater losses.
And so as the Christmas season began in Sudbury, the question
remained: how far would Falconbridge and its corporate parents
Noranada and EdperBrascan be willing to go to rid themselves of
their historic and still scrappy union?
"The company may well have overplayed its hand," suggests
one veteran Sudbury businessman.
Certainly morale on the picket lines has improved since the ban
on slowing vehicles was imposed. Running skirmishes with Sudbury
police and scab vehicles away from company property have, often
as not, impaired the company's ability to move equipment and personnel
through the gates. It's a tactic, which, so far at least, has
produced few arrests. Nonetheless, Falco's attempts to break
its union remain a serious challenge to the labour movement as
a whole and the outcome is far from certain.
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